Part Five Chapter VII

XII Halfway down his packet of Rolos, Robbie became extremely thirsty. Krystal had not bought him a drink. He climbed off the bench and crouched down in the warm grass, where he could still see her outline in the bushes with the stranger. After a while, he scrambled down the bank towards them. †M thirsty,' he whined. ‘Robbie, get out of it!' screamed Krystal. ‘Go an' sit on the bench!' ‘Wanna drink!' ‘Fuckin' – go an' wai' by the bench, an' I'll gerra drink in a minute! Go ‘way, Robbie!' Crying, he climbed back up the slippery bank to the bench. He was accustomed to not being given what he wanted, and disobedient by habit, because grown-ups were arbitrary in their wrath and their rules, so he had learned to seize his tiny pleasures wherever and whenever he could. Angry at Krystal, he wandered a little way from the bench along the road. A man in sunglasses was walking along the pavement towards him. (Gavin had forgotten where he had parked the car. He had marched out of Mary's and walked straight down Church Row, only realizing that he was heading in the wrong direction when he drew level with Miles and Samantha's house. Not wanting to pass the Fairbrothers' again, he had taken a circuitous route back to the bridge. He saw the boy, chocolate-stained, ill-kempt and unappealing, and walked past, with his happiness in tatters, half wishing that he could have gone to Kay's house and been silently cradled †¦ she had always been nicest to him when he was miserable, it was what had attracted him to her in the first place.) The rushing of the river increased Robbie's thirst. He cried a bit more as he changed direction and headed away from the bridge, back past the place where Krystal was hidden. The bushes had started shaking. He walked on, wanting a drink, then noticed a hole in a long hedge on the left of the road. When he drew level, he spotted a playing field beyond. Robbie wriggled through the hole and contemplated the wide green space with its spreading chestnut tree and goal posts. Robbie knew what they were, because his cousin Dane had showed him how to kick a football at the play park. He had never seen so much greenness. A woman came striding across the field, with her arms folded and her head bowed. (Samantha had been walking at random, walking and walking, anywhere as long as it was nowhere near Church Row. She had been asking herself many questions and coming up with few answers; and one of the questions she asked herself was whether she might not have gone too far in telling Miles about that stupid, drunken letter, which she had sent out of spite, and which seemed much less clever now †¦ She glanced up and her eyes met Robbie's. Children often wriggled through the hole in the hedge to play in the field at weekends. Her own girls had done it when they were younger. She climbed over the gate and turned away from the river towards the Square. Self-disgust clung to her, no matter how hard she tried to outrun it.) Robbie went back through the hole in the hedge and walked a little way along the road after the striding lady, but she was soon out of sight. The half-packet of remaining Rolos were melting in his hand, and he did not want to put them down, but he was so thirsty. Maybe Krystal had finished. He wandered back in the opposite direction. When he reached the first patch of bushes on the bank, he saw that they were not moving, so he thought it was all right to approach. ‘Krystal,' he said. But the bushes were empty. Krystal was gone. Robbie started to wail and shout for Krystal. He clambered back up the bank and looked wildly up and down the road, but there was no sign of her. ‘Krystal!' he yelled. A woman with short silver hair glanced at him, frowning, as she trotted briskly along the opposite pavement. Shirley had left Lexie at the Copper Kettle, where she seemed happy, but a short way across the Square she had caught a glimpse of Samantha, who was the very last person she wanted to meet, so she had taken off in the opposite direction. The boy's wails and squawks echoed behind her as she hurried along. Shirley's fist was clutched tightly around the EpiPen in her pocket. She would not be a dirty joke. She wanted to be pure and pitied, like Mary Fairbrother. Her rage was so enormous, so dangerous, that she could not think coherently: she wanted to act, to punish, to finish. Just before the old stone bridge, a patch of bushes shivered to Shirley's left. She glanced down and caught a disgusting glimpse of something sordid and vile, and it drove her on. Part Five Chapter VII VII ‘Fuckin' shurrup, Robbie! Shurrup!' Krystal had dragged Robbie to a bus stop several streets away, so that neither Obbo nor Terri could find them. She was not sure she had enough money for the fare, but she was determined to get to Pagford. Nana Cath was gone, Mr Fairbrother was gone, but Fats Wall was there, and she needed to make a baby. ‘Why wuz ‘e in the room with yeh?' Krystal shouted at Robbie, who grizzled and did not answer. There was only a tiny amount of battery power left on Terri's mobile phone. Krystal called Fats' number, but it went to voicemail. In Church Row, Fats was busy eating toast and listening to his parents having one of their familiar, bizarre conversations in the study across the hall. It was a welcome distraction from his own thoughts. The mobile in his pocket vibrated but he did not answer it. There was nobody he wanted to talk to. It would not be Andrew. Not after last night. ‘Colin, you know what you're supposed to do,' his mother was saying. She sounded exhausted. ‘Please, Colin – ‘ ‘We had dinner with them on Saturday night. The night before he died. I cooked. What if – ‘ ‘Colin, you didn't put anything in the food – for God's sake, now I'm doing it – I'm not supposed to do this, Colin, you know I'm not supposed to get into it. This is your OCD talking.' ‘But I might've, Tess, I suddenly thought, what if I put something – ‘ ‘Then why are we alive, you, me and Mary? They did a post-mortem, Colin!' ‘Nobody told us the details. Mary never told us. I think that's why she doesn't want to talk to me any more. She suspects.' ‘Colin, for Christ's sake – ‘ Tessa's voice became an urgent whisper, too quiet to hear. Fats' mobile vibrated again. He pulled it out of his pocket. Krystal's number. He answered. ‘Hiya,' said Krystal, over what sounded like a kid shouting. ‘D'you wanna meet up?' ‘Dunno,' yawned Fats. He had been intending to go to bed. ‘I'm comin' into Pagford on the bus. We could hook up.' Last night he had pressed Gaia Bawden into the railings outside the town hall, until she had pulled away from him and thrown up. Then she had started to berate him again, so he had left her there and walked home. ‘I dunno,' he said. He felt so tired, so miserable. ‘Go on,' she said. From the study, he heard Colin. ‘You say that, but would it show up? What if I – ‘ ‘Colin, we shouldn't be going into this – you're not supposed to take these ideas seriously.' ‘How can you say that to me? How can I not take it seriously? If I'm responsible – ‘ ‘Yeah, all right,' said Fats to Krystal. ‘I'll meet you in twenty, front of the pub in the Square.'

Scholarly Paper

The caring component of nursing encompasses much more than a combination of scientific and the technical. It encompasses the mandates a balance of â€Å"the head, the heart, and the hands† or â€Å"the science, the skill, and the spirit.† Nursing has its roots in the humanities, which address the wholeness of the persons for whom we care. Nursing has been sanctioned by society; nursing care satisfies a real human need. Nursing mandates the interaction with people at the most intimate level during the most crucial and critical times in their lives. And yet, the liberal arts in our educational programs continue to diminish to accommodate the scientific knowledge necessary to practice nursing. Nurse midwives provide comprehensive prenatal care including delivery for patients who are at low risk for complications. For the most part, they manage normal prenatal, intrapartum, and postpartum care. Provided that there are no complications, normal newborns are also cared for by a nurse midwife. Nurse midwives often provide primary care for women's issues from puberty post menopause. As a profession that seemingly demonstrates many of the same behaviors as obstetrics and gynecologist, we need to not only demonstrate but also document how midwifery differs from obstetrics and gynecology. Although the behaviors that a midwife, a physician a nurse- practitioner, or a physician's assistant demonstrate when providing women's health care may be similar, the origin, attitudes, and perception of the care may be radically different. If midwives truly provide women- oriented care with a focus on excellence in the process of providing care and attentiveness to outcomes, this should clearly be reflected in each client's medical record. Nurses long have been concerned with the psycho-social responses of clients to health and health alterations. The interrelationship of physiological and psychological heath requires careful attention to both dimensions within the client's family, cultural, and environmental context, and with consideration of the client's developmental level. (Tharpe, 2006, p, 1) Psycho-social functioning has two components: intrapersonal and interpersonal. Intrapersonal functioning refers to that which goes on within the individual, whereas interpersonal functioning involves a person's interactions or relationships with others. During the intrapersonal and interpersonal assessment the nurse's attention should focus on the client's current psychosocial status, with enough history to yield an appreciation of the individual's present â€Å"self.† For a comprehensive approach, the intrapersonal and interpersonal components of the nursing assessment should not be isolated from other parts of the assessment. For example, while assessing a client's physiological status, the client's interaction with and responses to the nurse provide information about cognitive style, affect, and language. (Styles, Patricia 1996, 7) The current motto of the American College of Nurse-Midwives- â€Å"With women, for lifetime†- summarizes concisely the vast area of midwifery health care. While the name â€Å"midwife† conjures images of pregnancy care and attendance at birth, the fact is that for century's midwives have been called upon to assist women in health care matters that have extended beyond childbearing. Historically, midwives have helped women with issues regarding menarche, menstruation, and menopause. And this historical role has not only extended throughout the twentieth century but has expanded further. (Vaeney, 2004, p, 380) Reference Bellack, P, Janis. Barbara, J, Edlund. (1992). Nursing Assessment and Diagnosis, London: Jones & Barlett Publishers, 337 Cody, K, Willam. Kenny W, Janet. (2006). Philosophical and Theoretical Perspectives for Advanced Nursing Practice, London: Jones & Barlett Publishers Styles, Madden, Margretta. Patricia, Moccia. (1996) On Nursing: A Literary Celebration: an Anthology, London: Jones & Barlett Publishers, 7 Tharpe, L, Nell. (2006) Clinical Practice Guidelines for Midwifery & Women's Health, London: Jones & Barlett Publishers, 1 Vaeney, Helen. Kriebs, M, Jan. Margretta, L, Carolyn. (2004). Verney's Midwifery: fourth edition, London: Jones & Barlett Publishers, 380      

Abducted by a UFO: prevalence information affects young children’s false memories for an implausible event Essay

SUMMARY This study examined whether prevalence information promotes children’s false memories for an implausible event. Forty-four 7–8 and forty-seven 11–12 year old children heard a true narrative about their ï ¬ rst school day and a false narrative about either an implausible event (abducted by a UFO) or a plausible event (almost choking on a candy). Moreover, half of the children in each condition received prevalence information in the form of a false newspaper article while listening to the narratives. Across two interviews, children were asked to report everything they remembered about the events. In both age groups, plausible and implausible events were equally likely to give rise to false memories. Prevalence information increased the number of false memories in 7–8 year olds, but not in 11–12 year olds at Interview 1. Our ï ¬ ndings demonstrate that young children can easily develop false memories of a highly implausible event. Copyright # 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Both recent studies (e.g. Pezdek & Hodge, 1999; Strange, Sutherland, & Garry, 2006) and legal cases have demonstrated that children can develop memories of events that never happened, so-called false memories (Loftus, 2004). A well-known legal case is the ‘McMartin Preschool’ trial in which several teachers were accused of ritually abusing hundreds of children across a 10-year period (Garven, Wood, & Malpass, 2000; Garven, Wood, Malpass, & Shaw, 1998; Schreiber et al., 2006). Some of the children recalled extremely bizarre, implausible events such as ï ¬â€šying in helicopters to an isolated farm and watching horses being beaten with baseball bats. The charges against the teachers, however, were eventually dropped; videotapes of the investigative interviews indicated that the children were suggestively interrogated and many experts concluded that the children’s memories were almost certainly false. Controversial cases like the McMartin trial have inspired researchers to investigate how children develop false memories of implausible experiences (Pezdek & Hodge, 1999; Strange et al., 2006), yet the precise antecedents of implausible false memories are still ill-understood. The question we ask here is whether prevalence information—that is, details about the frequency of a false event—is a potential determinant of children’s implausible false memories. *Correspondence to: Henry Otgaar, Faculty of Psychology, Maastricht University, PO Box 616, 6200 MD, Maastricht, The Netherlands. E-mail: henry.otgaar@psychology.unimaas.nl Copyright # 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. H. Otgaar et al. What do we know about the role of prevalence information in the development of false memories? Mazzoni, Loftus, and Kirsch (2001) describe a three-step process that explains how false memories are formed. According to this model, three conditions must be satisï ¬ ed to create false memories. First, an event has to be considered plausible. Second, the event has to be evaluated as something that genuinely happened. Finally, images and thoughts about the event have to be mistaken as memory details. Consider, now, just the ï ¬ rst stage of Mazzoni et al.’s model (event plausibility) and how prevalence information might affect perceived plausibility. Recent experiments have shown that prevalence information enhances the perceived plausibility of implausible events (Hart & Schooler, 2006; Mazzoni et al., 2001; Pezdek, Blandon-Gitlin, Hart, & Schooler, 2006; Scoboria, Mazzoni, Kirsch, & Jimenez, 2006). Mazzoni et al. (2001) asked undergraduates to read false newspaper articles describing demonic possession. The articles implied, among other things (i.e. a description of what happens in a typical possession experience), that possessions were more common than people previously thought and after reading the articles participants were more likely to believe they had witnessed a demonic possession in the past. Other studies investigating the role of prevalence information in eliciting false beliefs have produced similar striking effects (Hart & Schooler, 2006; Mazzoni et al., 2001; Pezdek et al., 2006; Scoboria et al., 2006). What we do not know, however, is whether prevalence information inï ¬â€šuences the development of false memories (stage 3 of Mazzoni et al.’s model) and not just false beliefs per se. This is an important issue in the false memory literature because several authors have argued that memories and beliefs, although related, are deï ¬ nitely not the same (Scoboria, Mazzoni, Kirsch, & Relyea, 2004; Smeets, Merckelbach, Horselenberg, & Jelicic, 2005). Moreover, the effect of prevalence information has only ever been tested on adults’ beliefs. To date, no study has examined whether prevalence information affects the generation of children’s false memories. What do we know about event plausibility in the development of children’s false memories? In short, research has produced interesting but varied results. Early studies showed that children were more likely to create false memories of plausible than implausible events (Pezdek & Hodge, 1999; Pezdek, Finger, & Hodge, 1997), and researchers suggested that it may be difï ¬ cult to implant false memories of an implausible event (i.e. receiving a rectal enema). In contrast, one recent study shows that children will falsely recall both plausible and implausible events to a similar extent (Strange et al., 2006). Three different explanations might account for these mixed ï ¬ ndings. First, Strange et al. presented children with a doctored photograph of the false event whereas Pezdek and colleagues used false descriptions. Doctored photographs might be considered an extreme form of evidence -one that is very difï ¬ cult for children to refute. It is probable, then, that the doctored photographs skewed the children’s plausibility judgments which in   turn caused them to develop false memories for the plausible and implausible event at a similar rate. Second, Strange et al. compared false events that were either plausible or implausible whereas Pezdek and colleagues (1997, 1999) contrasted false events that differed in terms of script knowledge (i.e. description of what typically occurs in an event). Speciï ¬ cally, they compared a high script knowledge event (i.e. lost in a shopping mall) with a low script knowledge event (i.e. receiving a rectal enema). However, the exact relation between script knowledge and plausibility is not clear (Scoboria et al., 2004). Third, the two false events used in Strange et al.’s and Pezdek et al.’s studies differed with respect to valence. Strange et al.’s events were positive (i.e. taking a hot air balloon ride and drinking a cup of tea with Prince Charles), whereas Pezdek and colleagues implanted false negative events in Copyright # 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. children’s memory (i.e. lost in a shopping mall and receiving a rectal enema). Studies have shown that valence affects the development of children’s false memories (Ceci, Loftus, Leichtman, & Bruck, 1994; Howe, 2007). Since plausibility, valence and script knowledge seem to play a role in the development of false memories, the false events used in the current study were matched on these factors. To examine whether prevalence information can lead children to develop full-blown false memories of plausible and implausible events, and to examine developmental differences in the development of false memories, we adapted the false narrative procedure (e.g. Garry & Wade, 2005; Loftus & Pickrell, 1995; Pezdek & Hodge, 1999; Pezdek et al., 1997), and exposed some 7–8 year old children and some 11–12 year old children to one true description and one false description of past experiences. Previous studies have shown that these age groups differ developmentally with respect to suggestibility and false memory formation (e.g. Ceci, Ross, & Toglia, 1987). The true description described the child’s ï ¬ rst day at school. The false description was either plausible and described almost choking on a candy, or implausible and described being abducted by a UFO. Half of the children in each group also received prevalence information in the form of a newspaper article. The article suggested that the target false event was much more common than the children probably thought. Our predictions were straightforward: based on the prevalence literature with adults, we predicted that children who heard false prevalence information would be more likely to report false memories than children without false prevalence information. With respect to the role of event plausibility, two predictions can be formulated. Based on studies by Pezdek and colleagues (1997, 1999), we would predict that regardless of prevalence information, plausible events would elicit more false memories than implausible events. However, based on a recent study by Strange et al. (2006), we would expect that plausible and implausible events are equally likely to elicit false memories. Finally, because younger children are more suggestible than older children (for an overview see Bruck & Ceci, 1999), we expected that younger children would be more likely to develop false memories than older children. METHOD Participants The study involved 91 primary school children (48 girls) from two different age groups (n  ¼ 44, 7–8 year olds, M  ¼ 7.68 years, SD  ¼ 0.52; n  ¼ 47, 11–12 year olds, M  ¼ 11.64 years, SD  ¼ 0.53). Children participated after parents and teachers had given informed consent. All children received a small gift in return for their participation. The study was approved by the standing ethical committee of the Faculty of Psychology, Maastricht University. Materials True narratives True narratives described children’s ï ¬ rst day at school. This event was chosen because it was a unique event that had happened to all children at age 4. Children’s parents were contacted by telephone to obtain the following personal details about each child’s ï ¬ rst school day: the family members or friends who escorted the child to school, and the teacher’s and school’s name. These details were incorporated in the true narratives. Copyright # 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. An example of a true narrative was: Your mother told me that when you were 4 years old, you went for the ï ¬ rst time to the elementary school. The name of the elementary school was Springer and it was located in Maastricht. The name of your teacher was Tom. Your mother took you to school. False narratives False events were selected from a pilot study. In that study, 49 children (M  ¼ 8.02 years, SD  ¼ 1.20, range 6–101) rated the plausibility and valence of 29 events on child-friendly 7-point Smiley scales (anchors:  ¼ implausible/negative,  ¼ plausible/positive) with bigger smiley faces referring to more plausible/more positive events. Speciï ¬ cally, children had to indicate how likely the events were to happen to them (e.g. ‘How likely is it that you almost choke on a candy’?; i.e. personal plausibility; Scoboria et al., 2004) and how pleasant the events were for them (e.g., ‘How pleasant is it that you almost choke on a candy’?). To ensure that they understood the events, all children rated two practice items. Furthermore, 19 children (M  ¼ 8.74 years, SD  ¼ 1.05, range 7–10) were instructed to report everything they knew about each event and the total number of idea units served as our measure of children’s script-knowledge about the events (Scoboria et al., 2004). Based on their ratings, we selected two events, almost choked on a candy and abducted by a UFO. These events were equal in terms of valence (Mchoking  ¼ 1.65, SDchoking  ¼ 1.48, MUFO  ¼ 1.94, SDUFO  ¼ 1.98, t(47) < 1, n.s.) and script knowledge (Mchoking  ¼ 1.11, SDchoking  ¼ 0.99, MUFO  ¼ 0.74, SDUFO  ¼ 1.05, t(18)  ¼ 1.20, n.s.), but differed in terms of plausibility with mean plausibility ratings being higher for the choking event (M  ¼ 5.86, SD  ¼ 2.02) than for the UFO event (M  ¼ 1.63, SD  ¼ 1.75, t(47)  ¼ 10.07, p < .001). Age did not correlate with plausibility, valence and script knowledge for the two events ( ps > .05). Children’s parents conï ¬ rmed that their child had never experienced the false events. The false narratives were: Almost choked on a candy: Your mother told me that you were at a birthday party when you were 4 years old. At this party you received a bag of candies. When you were at home again, you were allowed to have one candy. Your mother saw that you turned blue and she panicked. Then she hit you on the back and the candy came out. Abducted by a UFO: Your mother told me that when you were 4 years old, you were abducted by a UFO. This happened when you were alone outside. You mother was inside the house. Then she suddenly saw through the window that a UFO took you. False newspaper articles For the true and false events a newspaper article was fabricated describing that the event took place quite frequently when participants were age 4. These false newspaper articles were similar in appearance to a local newspaper. Moreover, to personalize the newspaper articles, we included the children’s hometown in the articles. The newspaper articles were 1 Because the age range of our pilot sample did not completely overlap with the age groups of our study, we conducted a 2 (pilot group: younger vs. older children)  2 (event: UFO vs. choking) ANOVA with the latter factor being a within subject factor to examine the effect of age on plausibility judgments. No signiï ¬ cant interaction emerged ( p > .05) indicating that age did not have an impact on the plausibility ratings of our two events. Therefore, the plausibility ratings of our pilot sample can be extended to the older group of our study were randomly assigned to the plausible or implausible event and to the prevalence or no prevalence information condition. Each child was interviewed individually twice over seven days. All interviews were audio taped and transcribed. During the interviews, one true narrative and one false narrative were read aloud, with the latter always being presented in the second position. The procedure of the interviews was similar to that used by Wade, Garry, Read, and Lindsay (2002). At the start of Interview 1, children were told that we were interested in their memories for events that had happened when they were 4 years old. Children were instructed to report everything they remembered about the events. In the prevalence information condition, they were told that to help them remember the events they would be provided with a newspaper article. Subsequently, the interviewer read out the article to the child. Children who did not describe details of the target event were told that ‘many people can’t recall certain events because they haven’t thought about them for such a long time. Please concentrate and try again’. If they still did not recall any details, the interviewer made use of context reinstatement and guided imagery. The purpose of these retrieval techniques was to take the children mentally back to the scene of the event. Speciï ¬ cally, children were told to close their eyes and they were asked to think about their feelings, who was with them, and about the time of the year. After this, children were asked again to recall any details about the event. If they still did not come up with details, the next narrative was presented or the interview was stopped. At the end of Interview 1, children were asked to think about the events every day until the next interview and they were instructed not to talk with others about the events. Parents were asked not to discuss these events with their children. Interview 2 was similar to Interview 1. At the end of Interview 2, they were debriefed using ethical guidelines for false memory research with children (Goodman, Quas, & Redlich, 1998). RESULTS AND DISCUSSION An extensive number of children were extremely surprised during the debrieï ¬ ng when they were told that the false event did not happen to them. For example, one 8-year old child responded ‘It really did happen’ where another one said ‘I really can remember seeing the UFO’. After the debrieï ¬ ng, 39% (n  ¼ 13) of the children remained absolutely conï ¬ dent that they experienced the false events. We debriefed these children until they understood the events were false. Together, these ï ¬ ndings suggest that the false memories in this study were not the result of children falsely assenting or trying to please the interviewer. True events True memories were categorized as either remembered or not remembered. To be categorized as remembered, children had to report at least two of the three personal details correctly. Children’s true recall was near ceiling. They remembered 88 (97%) events at Interview 1 and 89 (98%) events during Interview 2, x2(1)  ¼ .07, n.s. False events For the false events, two independent judges classiï ¬ ed each memory report as no false memory, images but not memories or false memory according to criteria used by Lindsay, Hagen, Read, Wade, and Garry (2004). If a child attempted to recall the false event, but did Copyright # 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Appl. Cognit. Psychol. 23: 115–125 (2009) DOI: 10.1002/acp Prevalence information, plausibility, and children’s false memories not have any memory of the event or did not report any details that were beyond the false description, the report was categorized as no false memory. A report was judged as an image when children speculated about details and described images related to the false events. For example, one child reported: ‘I think I almost choked on a candy on the birthday of Mauk. I am not sure. It was not a pleasant feeling’. To be classiï ¬ ed as a false memory, children had to indicate that they remembered the event and provide details beyond those mentioned in the narrative, but related to the narrative. To give an example of a detail, one child stated that he remembered being taken to the UFO through a blue beam of light. If children stated that they thought the event and/or certain details could have happened, then this was not scored as a false memory. Furthermore, to minimize the effect of demand characteristics, direct responses to interviewer prompts were not classiï ¬ ed as a false memory. The following dialogue from Interview 2 illustrates a child’s false memory of the UFO abduction. Child: ‘I saw cameras and ï ¬â€šashes and some people in the UFO’. Interviewer: ‘How many people did you see’? Child: ‘Approximately nine or ten’. Interviewer: ‘What kind of people’? Child: ‘People like me, children’. Interviewer: ‘What else did you see’? Child: ‘I saw some people and also some blue/green puppets were passing’. Inter-rater agreement for classiï ¬ cation of the memory reports was high; k  ¼ 0.92 for Interview 1 and k  ¼ 0.94 for Interview 2. Collapsing across the conditions, at Interview 1, 33% (n  ¼ 30) of the children developed a false memory. Thirty per cent (n  ¼ 9) of these children assented to the false events immediately, that is prior to guided imagery and context reinstatement. Thirty-six per cent of the children (n  ¼ 33), with 67% (n  ¼ 20) immediately assenting, ‘remembered’ the false events at Interview 2, x2(1)  ¼ 26.61, p < .001, Cramer’s V  ¼ 0.54. Some of the children who rejected the false events at Interview 2 indicated, despite the explicit instruction at Interview 1, that they had discussed the false events with their parents. The increase in false memories over time is in line with previous studies with adults and children (e.g. Lindsay et al., 2004; Strange et al., 2006; Wade et al., 2002). Furthermore, 10% (n  ¼ 9) of the children were classiï ¬ ed as having an image of the false events at Interview 1. At Interview 2, this percentage decreased to 7% (n  ¼ 6), x2(1)  ¼ 58.53, p < .001, Cramer’s V  ¼ 0.80. Recall that the primary question in this study was whether prevalence information boosts the likelihood of plausible and implausible false memories. Table 1 shows the percentage and number of children who reported false memories as a function of interview and condition. To examine the role of age, event type, and prevalence information in the development of false memories, we conducted a logistic regression analysis with the dependent variable being false memory (0  ¼ no false memory/images, 1  ¼ false memory). In this analysis, we only focused on ‘genuine’ false memories and did not collapse across false memories and images. Although non-parametric methods, such as logistic regression, often lack the statistical power to detect interactions (Sawilowsky, 1990), there are four important points to note about these data. First, the only signiï ¬ cant interaction found was an Age  Prevalence information interaction at Interview 1. Prevalence information enhanced the development of 7–8 year old children’s false memories but not 11–12 year old children’s false memories, and this effect occurred at Interview 1 (B  ¼ 2.16, SE  ¼ 0.96, Copyright # 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

Integrated Logistics Core Process Redesign Case Study

Integrated Logistics Core Process Redesign - Case Study Example Siemens ROLM management was willing to benchmark its processes with other Giant corporations. They aimed at restructuring the whole company. This was a difficult project since it involved radical changes. The management awareness was a critical enabler to ensure that the re-engineering process was a success. This awareness was a process from the beginning of the project to when the company began to yield substantial profits. The process begins when the management recognizes the need to adopt the change to improve the operations of the enterprise. At his time the management knowledge and understanding is minimal. With time the management understanding shifts to another level where they understand the business process idea and how they can effectively adapt and bring change within the company. After the management has adopted the process, they clearly identify the company’s vision and then have a different view of the processes not as a project but a way to run the business (Sto ddard and Jarvenpaa, 1995). According to the case, the integrated logistics core process-reengineering program instigated in August 1992. This logistic was viewed as a cycle from the initiation until when the equipment was operational. The customer focus is another important enabler that Siemens ROLM focused on. At the beginning of the re-engineering process, the employees are uncertain of how to meet the customer needs. This is due to the change of products they are offering to their customers this tends to be difficult to determine the needs of new customers in the market. The employees also realize their aim top deliver extraordinary products and also realize that customers demand uniform excellence in the product quality. They later build up a relationship with the trading partners to meet the needs of the final customers. According to the case, ROLM had the reputation on focusing on its customers at whatever cost.

Final Exam Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words - 1

Final Exam - Essay Example Another very realistic story which everyone in class talked much about was, â€Å"One Friday Morning† written by Langston Huges, this story is about a teenage girl who attains success after her art talents are exhibited in a contest, but everything changes and people start treating her badly because she is a black girl. The subject matter of the story is that racism should not be the cause of discouraging people in achieving what they want, and every one should be treated equally irrespective of their class, creed or color. Another story which caught our interest in class and which we enjoyed reading was â€Å"Fish Cheeks† written by Amy Tan, it is about a Chinese girl who is in love with the son of an American minister, her mother invites the ministers family over for the Christmas eve but she feels ashamed of the way her family acts in front of them. The lesson we learnt from it was that everyone should be proud of their culture because everyone has their own cultural values. All these stories were different in their own manner but they taught all the students something important about life and people. Another really interesting assignment, which we got and interested us, the most was comparing two essays â€Å"Where are you going, where have you been & Fish Cheeks† with the movie â€Å"Stand by me†. Both of the essays and the book are about evolution between youth and adulthood, when one can try new things and is still able to blame his or her actions on immature scruples. Teenagers often get caught up in a stipulation of inquisitiveness where finding themselves becomes predictable. The dissimilarities between the two were that they were not about racism, and the movie is about four best friends who take an overnight hike through the woods near their town to find the body of a boy whos been missing for days, where as the essay Where are u going where have u been is about a

Types of Accountancy the field of Accounting is the unbrella to Essay

Types of Accountancy the field of Accounting is the unbrella to various subcategories of this field such as auditing, public accounting, tax accounting etc - Essay Example They are: It is the most commonly recognized type of accounting that involves preparing, auditing and presenting of financial statements. Public accountants work for clients of corporations, non-profit organizations, government agency, private business or individuals performing wide range of duties like accounting, tax, auditing and bookkeeping. â€Å"External Auditing† is also being executed by some of the public accountants that form the important part of accounting profession. They review the financial records to clear all the underlying errors or financial problems to ensure accurate financial statements of company. Career as a public accountant would start with auditing, tax advisory services or management advisory services that require a Bachelor’s Degree in accountancy. Certified Public Accountants (CPAs) are the nationally certified public accountants who cleared the Uniform Certified Public Accountant Examination and possess a Bachelor’s Degree with minimum of two years experience in public accounting. The â€Å"forensic accounting† is another specialization of public accountants that deal with investigation and interpretation of crimes such as illegal financial activities, bankruptcies or contract disputes etc. These forensic accountants possess the knowledge of accounting and finance along with law and investigation to work with law enforcement. Management accounting provides the information to the internal users of the business or industry that includes company managers or employees keeping the information confidential. It uses the economical and financial information to plan and control activities that involve in cost management, asset management and budgeting etc. It predicts the future of a business or industry by considering the past and present financial data like preparation of budgets. Management accountants are also known as private, corporate or industrial accountants who are

Iron Deficiency Anemia Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

Iron Deficiency Anemia - Essay Example The article encompasses information about causes, symptoms and treating iron deficiency anemia. The body needs iron to make hemoglobin, the most important component of the red blood cells. Insufficient supply of iron limits the production of hemoglobin, which in turn affects the production of red blood cells (RBCs). This decreased amount of hemoglobin and RBCs in the bloodstream is known as anemia. Since, RBCs are needed to carry oxygen throughout the body, anemia results in less oxygen reaching the cells and tissues, affecting their function (AMAG Pharmaceuticals). Iron-deficiency anemia (IDA), often caused by inadequate iron ingestion. It is the major cause of anemia in childhood. Iron-fortified infant formulas and cereals have substituted the iron requirement in infants of United States (American Reagent). IDA or Iron-deficiency anemia doesn't develop instantly, but, a person develops through stages of iron deficiency, beginning with iron diminution, in which the amount of iron in the body is reduced while the iron in RBCs remains constant, persistence of this leads to progression of iron deficiency, ultimately leading to IDA. This is because the red blood cells will have less hemoglobin than normal (AMAG Pharmaceuticals,). Iron-deficiency anemia is a resultant of several factors, encompassing- insufficient iron in the diet, poor absorption of iron by the body, ongoing blood loss, most commonly from menstruation or from gradual blood loss in the intestinal tract, episodes of rapid growth. In certain cases poverty becomes a contributing factor to IDA because families living at or below the poverty level may not be getting enough iron-rich foods (Gasch,, 1997). It is manifested that Iron deficiency alters the physiological functions and IDA enables the body to absorb more lead, which enhances the risk of lead poisoning in kids, particularly those living in older homes. This leads to ill health and also children face difficulties in learning and show behavioral problems. Moreover, rapid growth demands more iron and therefore any kind of iron deficiency in nutrition leads to IDA. It is observed that, infants, discontinuing iron-fortified formula and substituted with cow's milk before 12 months can lead to IDA. Since, cow's milk is low in iron essential for infant growth and development; it often replaces the consumption of iron-rich foods. Milk reduces the absorption of iron causing irritation in the intestinal mucosa resulting in small amounts of bleeding. This slow, gradual loss of blood in the stool - combined with low iron intake - may eventually result in IDA (US FDA). Other causes of IDA encompass prematurity and low birth weight, poor iron intake in the diet for children between the ages of 1 and 3 years make them prone to IDA, high consumption of cow's milk, during the onset of puberty, when growth is at its peak, boys are at risk of IDA. Adolescent girls are at higher risk because of menstrual blood loss and smaller iron stores than boys. Many girls also tend to consume a diet low in iron. On the contrary, multivitamins with iron aren't adequate and taking too much iron is a major cause of serious poisoning in children (American Academy of Pediatrics, AAP). Deficiency of Vitamin C also leads to poor iron absorption leading to IDA as vitamin C enhances iron absorption in the body. Inadequate daily intake of iron in pregnancy, growth